Ancestry24

When in 1893-94 Christoffel Coetzee de Villiers’ great work was published, it soon became apparent that the data, so laboriously collected by him, could also be used for purposes other than genealogical. It gave, as it were, a general survey of the entire population of the Cape Colony from its very beginning in 1652 till the end of the Netherlands administration in 1806, in many cases even much later. A new field was thrown open, and before long attempts were made to use the facts now available to establish the ethnological composition of the whole of the Afrikander people, before British influence made itself felt.

Genealogies of Old South African Families

The History of Grahamstown is so inseparably bound up with that of English colonization in South Africa, that a correct record of the one, if elaborated upon as it could and should be, would comprise the true story of the other. From the day of its establishment to the present time, it has occupied a most prominent position in every movement which had for its object the political, commercial, religious, or social advancement of the Cape Colony. Every step that has marked its growth may aptly be described as the evidence of the growth in South Africa of English influence and English colonization. As the primitive buildings which formed the military post out of which it has grown disappeared to give place to more substantial buildings and residences, and the semblance of a town sprung up in the valley so wisely selected as the site of the future “City of the Settlers,” so a like advance was made in other parts of the Colony.

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Settlement Of Grahamstown

Kmdt. Henning Petrus Nicolaas Pretorius

(born 1844 in Natal, South Africa; died 1897, Farm Abrahamskloof, Albanie, Cape, South Africa) nicknamed “Skote Petoors”

When a young boy, he was nearly present when his paternal grandfather was murdered in 1865 in Moorddraai, but rode ahead to see his fiancee, and therefore was saved from being murdered too. In 1876 he became and Cornet in the Z.A.R. in the Sekukune wars. His heroic conduct during the First Boer War in Elandsfontein made him famous. He was wounded twice. In 1882 he was commissioned as a Kommandant. In 1890 he was made Acting Kommandant Generaal in place in P.J. Joubert. In 1896 he was promoted to Lt. Colonel of the reorganised Artillery Corps under the new name of Staatsartillerie. He made several improvements to the Artillery, rendering them equivalent to those of most nations at the time. He died while on a mission in the Eastern districts of the Cape, while looking for the beam on which the accused were hanged in 1816 for the Slagtersnek opstand. He was buried with full military honours at the Helde-akker in Pretoria. There is a statue of him in front of Military Headquarters in Potgieter Street in Pretoria.

Kmdt. Henning Petrus Nicolaas Pretorius

His father was Marthinus Wessel “Swart Martiens” Pretorius (1822-1864) born in Graaf Reinet and who died at the Battle of Silkaatsnek, during the First Boer War. Farmer in Welgegund, near Pretoria. His mother was Debora Jacoba Retief (1815-1900), born at Mooimeisjesfontein, in the Cape. She famously painted her father’s name on the cliff face of Kerkenberg in the Drakensberg. A sculpture of this deed is on display in the Voortrekker Monument in Pretoria. Her father was Gen. Pieter Retief (1780-1838), known as Piet Retief, Voortrekker leader. Retief was born in the Cape Colony, South Africa. His family were Boers of French Huguenot ancestry, and Retief grew up on one of the vineyards established by French wine-making immigrants near Stellenbosch. After moving to the vicinity of Grahamstown Retief, like other Boers, acquired wealth through livestock, but suffered repeated losses from Xhosa raids in the period leading up to the 6th Cape Frontier War. (However, apart from such losses, Retief was also a man in constant financial trouble. On more than one occasion, he lost money and other possessions mainly through gambling and land speculation.

He is reported to have gone bankrupt at least twice, while at the colony and on the frontier. Such losses impelled many frontier farmers to become Voortrekkers (literally those who move forward) and to migrate to new lands in the north. Retief authored their ‘manifesto’, dated 22 January 1837, setting out their long-held grievances against the British government, which they felt had offered them no protection, no redress, and which had freed their slaves with recompense to the owners hardly amounting to a quarter of their value. This was published in the Grahamstown Journal on 2 February and De Zuid-Afrikaan on 17 February just as the emigrant Boers started to leave their homesteads. Retief’s household departed in two wagons from his farm in the Winterberg District in early February 1837 and joined a party of 30 other wagons. The pioneers crossed the Orange River into independent territory.

When several parties on the Great Trek converged at the Vet River, Retief was elected “Governor of the United Laagers” and head of “The Free Province of New Holland in South East Africa.” This coalition was very short-lived and Retief became the lone leader of the group moving east. On 5 October 1837 Retief established a camp at Kerkenberg near the Drakensberg ridge. He proceeded on horseback the next day to explore the region between the Drakensberg and Port Natal, now known as Kwa-Zulu Natal. Upon receiving a positive impression of the region he started negotiations with the Zulu chief, Dingane, in November 1837. Retief led his own band over the Drakensberg Mountains and convinced Voortrekker leaders Maritz and Potgieter to join him in January 1838.

On a second visit to Dingane, the Zulu agreed to Boer settlement in Natal, provided that the Boer delegation recovered cattle stolen from him by the rival Tlokwa tribe. This the Boers did, their reputation and rifles cowing the tribe into peacefully handing over the cattle. Despite warnings, Retief left the Tugela region on 28 January 1838, in the belief that he could negotiate permanent boundaries for the Natal settlement with Dingane. The deed of cession of the Tugela-Umzimvubu region, although dated 4 February, 1838, was signed by Dingane on 6 February 1838. This Dingane did by imitating writing and with the two sides recording three witnesses each. Dingane then invited Retief’s party to witness a special performance by his soldiers. However, upon a signal given by Dingane, the Zulus overwhelmed Retief’s party of 70 and their Coloured servants, taking all captive. Retief, his son, men, and servants, about a hundred people in total, were taken to Kwa Matiwane Hill in what is now Kwa-Zulu Natal, and murdered. Their bodies were left on the hillside to be devoured by wild animals, as was Dingane’s custom with his enemies.

Dingane then gave orders for the Voortrekker laagers to be attacked, which plunged the migrant movement into serious disarray. Eventually, the Retief party’s remains were recovered and buried on 21 December 1838, by members of the “victory commando” led by Andries Pretorius, following the decisive Voortrekker victory at Blood River. Also recovered was the undamaged deed of cession from Retief’s leather purse, as later verified by a member of the “victory commando”, E.F. Potgieter. An exact copy survives, but the original deed disappeared in transit to the Netherlands during the Anglo-Boer War. The site of the Retief grave was more or less forgotten until pointed out in 1896 by J.H. Hattingh, a surviving member of Pretorius’s commando. A monument recording the names of the members of Retief’s delegation was erected near the grave in 1922. The town of Piet Retief was named after him as was (partially) the city of Pietermaritzburg.

(The “Maritz” part being named after Gerrit Maritz, another Voortrekker leader.) Piet Retief married Magdalena Johanna De Wet [1782-1855; daughter of Pieter De Wet (1765-?) and Maria P Opperman (1757-?)]. Her father Pieter de Wet was in turn the son of Petrus Pieter De Wet (1726-1782) and Magdalena Fenesie Maree (1726-1770). Retief’s own parents were Jacobus Retief [1754-1821; son of Francois Retief (1708/9-1743) and Anna Marais (1722-1777)] and Debora Joubert [1749-?; daughter of Pieter Joubert (1726-1746) and Martha Du Toit (1729-1771)].

Jacobus Retief was a farmer near Wellington, his original farm was called “Soetendal”. He also bought the farm “Welvanpas”, formerly known as “De Krakeelhoek” which belonged to his grandmother Maria Mouij, of whom presently. He had eleven children. His father, Francois Retief, was the eldest son of the founding father of the Retief clan in South Africa, Hugenot emigrant Francois Retif Snr. (1663-1721). This Francois Retief fled Mer in Blois, France during the recriminations of King Louis XIV with his young sister to Holland. Since the Dutch were looking for settlers for the Cape, they joined and arrived in Cape Town in 1688. He bought a farm and called it “Le Paris” on the northern banks of the Berg River near Wemmershoek. He married Maria Mouij, (1685-?, daughter of Pierre Mouij, also of France.), 23 years his junior.

To return to Marthinus Wessel Pretorius (Swart Martiens): His father was: Councillor Henning Petrus Nicolaas Pretorius [1800-1865; son of Marthinus Wessel Pretorius (1747-?) and Susanna Elisabeth Viljoen, (1760-?), widow of J.D. Hattingh] who was a Deacon in the church and long-serving elder, as well as member of the first Voortrekker Council in Natal. He was murdered by the Sotho at Moorddraai near Harrismith with his wife, Johanna Christina Vorster [1804-1865; daughter of Barend Johannes Vorster (1771-1840) and Johanna Christina Vorster (1776-?)], two of his sons and a companion. His brother, Andries Pretorius later became the Voortrekker arch-leader and founded the capital city of Pretoria, South Africa. Barend Vorster was the son of Barend Johannes Vorster (1748-1799) and Cecilia van Heerden (1752-1789). Marthinus Wessel Pretorius was the son of Johannes Pretorius [1711-1778; son of Johannes Pretorius (1642-1694) and Johanna Victor (1640-1719)] and Johanna Bezuidenhout [1717-?; illegitimate daughter of Wynand Bezuidenhout (1674-1724) and Gerbrecht Boshouwer (1684-1772)]. Johannes Pretorius (1711-1778) farmed near Roodesandskloof with about 40 cattle and 70 sheep. His father, the elder Johannes Pretorius was born in Oudorp, Alkmaar, Noord-Holland, Netherlands and was the first to move to South Africa. His parents were: Wessel Schout Praetorius [1614-1664; son of Barend Wesselius Pretorius (1596-1668) and Aaltje Jansdochter (1596-1643)] and Josyntgen Claesdochter (1618-?). Barend’s father was Wessel Schulte (1566-?).

A perfect example of the enigmatic genetic whirlpool at the tip of the African continent and the forces that have shaped the country, the birth of Walter Sisulu is one of the most tantalising events of his time.

Born on May 18, 1912 to Alice Mase Sisulu, a relative of Nelson Mandela’s first wife, Evelyn Mase, this revered statesmen and symbol of the apartheid struggle, who served 26 years behind bars and on Robben Island for his commitment to freedom, was the product of what was seen as a scandalous union at the time.

His mother, who refused to give credence to the unspoken colour and gender barriers before apartheid became official in 1948, left her rural home in Qutubeni, Transkei, to work in white homes and entered into a long-term relationship with a white man, Albert Victor Dickinson. Though no reason is given in the Sisulus’ biography ‘In Our Lifetime’, Walter’s daughter-in-law Elinor says the couple chose not to marry when Walter was born. Four years later the couple had another child, Rosabella.

The boy child was christened Walter Max Ulyate Sisulu at the Anglican All Saints Mission near Qutubeni – a tantalising clue that invites investigation, as the Ulyate family was a well-known 1820 Settler family that farmed in the Eastern Cape.Though he was aware of the existence of his father, who Elinor suggests wanted to adopt him, Dickinson played no role in Walter’s upbringing. Walter and Rosabella were raised by his mother’s extended Hlakule/Sisulu family, who were descended from the royal Thembu clan that traces its genealogy 20 generations back to King Zwide. All that is known of Albert Victor Dickinson, whom Walter only met a few times, is that he was born on July 9, 1886, and was the son of Albert Edward Dickinson of Port Elizabeth. Elinor says there were conflicting oral reports as to whether he was a road supervisor or a magistrate, but he worked in the Railway Department of the Cape Colony from 1903 to 1909 and was transferred to the Office of the Chief Magistrate in Umtata in 1910.

Walter Sisulu died on May 5, 2003, a week short of his 91st birthday. He is buried in Croesus Cemetery, Newclare, Johannesburg. His wife, Albertina, herself an important icon in the struggle years, lives in Johannesburg. 

Walter Sisulu

Article written by: Sharon Marshall

The Sisulu wedding, 1944. (Standing on the left is Nelson Mandela. The pretty bridesmaid next to him is Evelyn Mase, Mandela’s future wife.) 

The wedding Couple

 (With kind permission from South African History Online.)

Source: SESA (Standard Encyclopedia of Southern Africa)

Born: Bloemfontein, 02 April 1882; Died: London, England, 19 October 1944.Cabinet minister, author and soldier, Reitz was the third of five sons, his mother, Blanka Thesen, a member of a Norwegian family, of Knysna, being the first wife of Francis William Reitz, chief justice and afterwards president of the O.F.S. Reitz was given the family name of his paternal grandmother, Cornelia Magdalena Deneys.

He was educated in Bloemfontein. At the outbreak of the Second Anglo-Boer War he joined the Boer forces at the age of seventeen, saw service at Ladysmith, and accompanied Gen. J. C. Smuts on his famous raid in the Cape Colony (1901-02), of which it, in 1929, wrote a stirring account in his autobiography, Commando. Refusing to take the oath of allegiance at the end of the war, he endured three harsh years abroad, mainly in Madagascar, but was persuaded by Mrs J. C. Smuts to return in 1905, and in 1908 established himself as an attorney in Heilbron.

During the First World War he served on Smuts’s staff in German South-West Africa, and in German East Africa commanded the Fourth South African Horse. Going overseas in 1917, he was twice severely wounded on the western front, was mentioned in dispatches, and ended the war a colonel commanding a battalion of the First Royal Scots fusiliers.

On his return to South Africa he, in 1919, married Leila Agnes Buissiné Wright (1887-1959), of Wynberg, who subsequently became the first woman member of parliament in South Africa. They had two sons.

Entering politics as a member of the South African party, Reitz represented Bloemfontein South in 1920, and, a few months later, Port Elizabeth, having been ousted in a general election by Dr Colin Steyn. Subsequently, in 1929, he represented Barberton. Though he lacked the benefits of an advanced education, Reitz through experience and sheer force of personality, proved a good debater. Appointed to the Smuts cabinet, he, as minister of lands, introduced legislation relating to several important projects, notably the establishment of the Kruger national park.

Out of office from 1924 to 1933, Reitz joined a firm of Johannesburg solicitors and, both personally and on business, travelled widely, visiting the Rhodesias, the Belgian Congo, and, more especially, the Kaokoveld in South-West Africa. It was then, in 1929, that he wrote Commando, the first of his literary successes.

Back in office in 1933, he was appointed minister of lands as a member of Gen. J. B. M. Hertzog’s coalition cabinet, subsequently be-coming minister of agriculture and forestry in 1935 and minister of mines in 1938. From 1939 to 1943 he was minister of native affairs and deputy prime minister in Smuts’s war-time cabinet. In 1943 he went to London as high commissioner for South Africa, an office that he held until his death in 1944. In South Africa he was regarded as an enterprising cabinet minister, and in the United Kingdom as an admirable representative of the Union of South Africa.

Publication of Commando was followed by that of Trekking on in 1933, and of No outspan in 1943. The first two narratives end with the First World War; the third, a lively mixture of history, politics, travel and sports, covers the next twenty-five years. All three were marked successes, Trekking on achieving a reception as enthusiastic as that of Commando. Both were regarded as classics of adventure, not merely because of their stirring themes, but because of the personality of the narrator and a forthright sincerity of style that matches admirably its material.

Source: Dictionary of South African Biography, Volume I. Copyright: Media24 Digital

Image: SESA (Standard Encyclopedia of Southern Africa)

Colonel Deneys Reitz

(*Pretoriuskloof, Graaff-Reinet dist., 17.9.1819 – † Potchefstroom, 19.5.1901), president of the Transvaal republic and of the Orange Free State, was the eldest child of Andries Wilhelmus Jacobus Pretorius, the Voortrekker leader, and his first wife, Christina Petronella de Wit. Because of the pioneering conditions under which he grew up, Pretorius did not receive much formal education, but, nevertheless, was given some elementary schooling, as his earliest correspondence is in very legible handwriting and shows a command of language unusual among his contemporaries. He was continually adding to his store of knowledge and until an advanced age was still receiving tuition, as he did, for example, from J. G. Bantjes, his father’s former secretary. His youth was uneventful, but he learnt to know the native problem at an early age and when he left the Cape Colony at nineteen, he fully realized the underlying motives for the Great Trek.The Pretorius family cannot be regarded as belonging to the first Voortrekkers, for it was only after an exploratory expedition that A. W. J. Pretorius decided to settle in Natal. On 31.10.1838 his party of sixty-eight wagons departed from the colony. After a call for help from Natal , the trek was left behind on the Modder river and, together with his father, P. travelled ahead of the others to the Voortrekker encampments on the Little Tugela. There they arrived on 2.11.1838. Young P. was a member of the commando that took action against Dingane and he also participated in the battle of Blood river, but, while in Natal, he remained in the background.

On 19.12.1841 he married twenty-one-year-old Aletta Magdalena, widow of François Alewyn Smit. Several children were born, but only one daughter, Christina Johanna Petronella (Chrissie) Pretorius, survived, Christiana and Lake Chrissie in the Transvaal are named after her. Pretorius settled on a farm bordering on that of his father and about an hour on horseback (six miles) from Pietermaritzburg. Pretorius must have learnt a good deal from his father, as Andries Pretorius would not have left his son ignorant of the important developments in which he, the father, was involved. Pretorius was aware of the major principles of Voortrekker policy such as economic and political freedom, and relations with Britain and the Bantu.

Believing that some agreement with the British government was possible, Andries Pretorius remained on his farm after the annexation of Natal (1843), but the British native policy created a difficult situation. While Pretorius was attempting to have an interview with the high commissioner, Sir Henry Pottinger, in Grahamstown (September 1847), the position became so serious that the Pretorius family was forced to leave Natal. This exodus took place under the leadership of Pretorius, who proceeded as far as the Tugela river, where his father again joined the family. There, too, the famous interview between Sir Harry Smith and Andries Pretorius took place towards the end of January 1848, shortly before the British annexation of the Transorange. This resulted in some delay and the Pretorius family were able to settle in the Transvaal only during the first months of 1848, Pretorius occupying the farm Kalkheuvel in the vicinity of Magaliesberg, about twenty miles to the west of modern Pretoria, and about twelve miles from his father’s farm, Grootplaas, at the Hartebeespoort.

Pretorius completed his first assignment on behalf of the government in October 1851. By that time the Basuto problem was so acute that the burghers of the Orange River Sovereignty called for the intervention of Andries Pretorius and it was decided to send young Pretorius, together with a certain D. Botha, to the sovereignty to make an opportunity for an interview between Maj. H. D. Warden and Andries Pretorius, who had been outlawed by the British government since August 1848. Warden reacted favourably and undertook to forward any proposal by the Emigrant Boers to the high commissioner in Cape Town. In a sense, this visit of Pretorius’s helped to pave the way for the Sand River convention.

The conclusion in January 1852 of the Sand River convention, by which the independence of the Transvaal was formally recognized by Britain, caused initially some measure of dissatisfaction to the north of the Vaal river. After Andries Pretorius and A. H. Potgieter had become reconciled, however, prospects for the immediate future brightened considerably and for this reason the death of the two leaders in such a short time was so tragic. The death of his father on 23.7.1853 almost immediately involved Pretorius, as his son, in his country’s affairs. On 8.8.1853 he was unanimously nominated commandant-general in his father’s place, pending confirmation by the volksraad. The following day he was sworn in as such by the interim committee of the volksraad and, when he made his appearance in the krygsraad (’military council’) a day later, he was elected its chairman by that body.

From the beginning Pretorius showed an extraordinary ability to deal with national problems. A factor which at this stage hindered national unity was the lack of a central site for the volksraad. When the public and the general assembly of the N.H. Kerk asked for a suitable site, Pretorius acted somewhat hastily and informed the volksraad at its next meeting that he had bought two centrally situated farms for this purpose. To his great disappointment the volksraad did not, however, share his enthusiasm and postponed the matter sine die.

In the same way his attempts to achieve unity with the O.F.S. were impeded by hasty action. From his father he had inherited the desire to combine into one large whole the Boer communities resulting from the Great Trek. In this, too, he succeeded his father at a very critical stage, for towards the end of 1853 Sir George Russell Clerk, the special commissioner, was abandoning the O.F.S., and openly hinted that there would be no objection by Britain to the union of the two Boer states. Pretorius wished to use this opportunity to share in the discussions on the British withdrawal, but this was not granted. His ideals were shared by many in the O.F.S. and were expressed by the provisional government on the day after independence had been declared. The first elected volksraad of the O.F.S. subscribed to the ideal of union by sending Paul Bester and M. Wessels to the Transvaal in June 1854. They were the bearers of a document which they placed before the Transvaal volksraad at Rustenburg and which could be interpreted as indicating that the O.F.S. was thinking in terms of union.

Although this fitted in perfectly with Pretorius’s projects, he was not in a position to carry the matter any further. Within the Transvaal new groups were developing. This not only frustrated Pretorius’s plans for amalgamating with the O.F.S., but also delayed the much more important task he had set himself: to provide a constitution for a Transvaal republic. This is to a certain extent attributable to the arrival in May 1853 of the Rev. Dirk van der Hoff as the Transvaal ’s first minister of religion. Instead of consolidating the republic this event caused internal tension and the formation of dissenting religious groups.

When, initially, the Transvaal succeeded in obtaining a minister, assistance was promised from the Cape Colony on condition that the Transvaal parishes would be incorporated in the Cape synod of the N.G. Kerk. This condition was accepted but scarcely a week later, on the arrival of the Rev. Van der Hoff, the consistory of Potchefstroom decided, with Pretorius’s moral support, to contest incorporation in the Cape synod. This resolution was confirmed by the volksraad at its sitting in Rustenburg (August 1853), in the absence of the representatives from Lydenburg. Scarcely a month later, at a meeting of the full volksraad in Lydenburg, the resolutions of the previous meeting were endorsed, except that renouncing the Cape synod. In this matter the Lydenburg section wished provisionally to temporize. Notwithstanding this, the breach with the Cape synod was ratified (November 1853) in the presence of the Lydenburg representatives. On the surface all seemed well and the Transvaal, as far as church affairs were concerned, was apparently a unified whole.

Unfortunately J. A. Smellekamp made his appearance in Lydenburg at this stage and the personal feud between him and the Rev. Van der Hoff spread so widely that the whole of the Transvaal was involved. Ultimately Smellekamp was reprimanded and fined by the volksraad and, on his failure to pay, was banished from the republic. This, however, happened only after the krygsraad, of which Pretorius was chairman, had stepped in and taken the Rev. Van der Hoff under its protection at the consistory’s request.

Here Pretorius was not a statesman, and allowed himself to be involved in a personal feud. The old Transvaal differences between east and west, already obvious in the days of Andries Pretorius, were revived. The Lydenburg faction headed by H. T. Bührmann, blamed Pretorius for his actions but at the same time held the Rev. Van der Hoff responsible for Smellekamp’s banishment. It was contended that the best way of demonstrating disapproval was for Lydenburg to call its own minister and again to seek its inclusion in the Cape synod. Thus the authority of the volksraad was challenged and the unity of the state destroyed.

During these troubles (September 1854) Pretorius was paying the O.F.S. a friendly visit, and although in certain quarters this visit was associated with sinister motives, it proved a success. On his return, and before he could consider the grievances of Lydenburg, the shocking murder of Field-Cornet Hermanus Potgieter took place. Throughout the Transvaal native truculence flared up and even the people of the western Transvaal were forced to gather in laers for safety. Because of this and, in February 1855, a serious outbreak of lung sickness which paralysed normal transport, it was impossible to summon the volksraad and, in effect, the country was for some time without a government.

Only approximately a year after the previous meeting of the volksraad, which had ended on a comparatively minor note, was a session arranged (1.6.1855). Again there was dissension because of the presence of Jacobus Stuart, who was seeking only his own advancement, and in this was opposed by Lydenburg. To eliminate Lydenburg’s opposition Stuart formulated a case against the Lydenburg representatives, basing it on their actions in connection with the Cape synod. He skilfully involved Pretorius and succeeded in having the Lydenburg representatives declared unfit to hold any public position. Because of his own actions Pretorius became more and more deeply involved in quarrels that were to make his personal position almost unbearable.

The presence of Stuart was, nevertheless, not without its significance. As a result of his efforts a commission was nominated in September 1855 to prepare a draft constitution for the state. Pretorius, not a member, enthusiastically supported the commission and pleaded for acceptance by the volksraad of the draft bill; this, in fact, took place in Potchefstroom in November 1855. This constitution formed the basis for Pretorius’s election as provisional state president on 15.11.1855. A few days later the volksraad showed further signs of its support by approving the establishment of a village on the two farms that P. had bought more than two years before and stipulating that it should be named Pretoria after his father.

Unfortunately there was as yet no national unity, as the support that Pretorius enjoyed came from only a part of the community. The Lydenburg section displayed a chilly indifference, while Stephanus Schoeman, who was in control at Soutpansberg after the death of Pieter Johannes Potgieter, also rejected the new constitution.

Thus, notwithstanding its constitution, the Transvaal was still more or less without a government in March 1855. The course of events had, however, convinced Pretorius of his blunders and in a spirit of sincere remorse he strove to achieve reconciliation with Schoeman and Lydenburg. Because of his efforts a representative meeting was held at Potchefstroom in December 1856. A new constitution, based on Stuart’s draft, was prepared and provision was made for a state president and an executive council. As prematurely as on the previous occasion, Pretorius was again elected state president and Schoeman, although absent, commandant-general. Pretorius was sworn in on 6.1.1857 and on that same day the new flag, the Vierkleur, designed by the Rev. Van der Hoff, was officially hoisted for the first time.

In this way a major ambition of Pretorius’s was realized: the state had a constitution and, theoretically, had sound foundations. Feelings were, however, mixed at this time, as Lydenburg broke away from the republic on 17.12.1856 and Schoeman ignored the resolutions of the national assembly.

With this as the background Pretorius committed the greatest political blunder of his career. In the O.F.S. Pres. J. N. Boshof. accepted the so-called citizenship act to consolidate his country against the rest of the world but at the same time he embarrassed Transvaal burghers with property in the O.F.S. The interim volksraad committee of the western Transvaal consequently sent M. A. Goetz and Pretorius to the O.F.S. amicably to discuss the matter with the government. Pretorius hastily left for Bloemfontein without making an effort at reconciliation with Schoeman, who was declared a rebel during Pretorius’s absence and, in turn, blockaded the whole of the northern Transvaal.

Pretorius’s visit to the O.F.S. developed into an awkward attempt at amalgamating the two republics. Encouraged by supporters in the O.F.S. he, without justification, claimed the O.F.S., but this claim was contemptuously rejected by Boshof. Pretorius was forced to beat a retreat in somewhat humiliating fashion, but not before dangerous threats had been made on both sides.

After a hasty return to Potchefstroom Pretorius visited Natal to negotiate common boundaries, but his absence did not calm ruffled feelings. Boshof, in particular, was nervous and did everything in his power to isolate Pretorius while he himself tried to contact Pretorius’s enemies, Schoeman and the Lydenburg section. During Pretorius’s absence his lieutenants compromised him through their clumsy and dangerous handling of Boshof, acting without Pretorius’s knowledge or assistance. In this way they made an awkward situation even more difficult. This quarrel almost led to an armed clash when burghers were called to arms on either side of the Vaal and two commandos faced each other on the Renoster river (25.5.1857). Sound common sense, however, won the day and the breach was healed when, on 1.6.1857, Pretorius recognized the O.F.S. government and territory.

Peace between Pretorius and the O.F.S. to some extent checkmated his Transvaal opponents and left the political initiative in his hands. During the following few months Pretorius for the first time showed signs of diplomatic skill. The blockade of Soutpansberg was raised, the proclamation against Schoeman was revoked, and an agreement was entered into with him (1.7.1857) whereby all disputes would be referred to an independent court which would sit at Rustenburg in November 1857. When, in spite of the agreement, Schoeman sought the active support of Lydenburg in connection with the court case, Pretorius acted quickly and four days before Schoeman and Lydenburg reached an agreement he proposed a compromise with Lydenburg to the volksraad. As the volksraad was enthusiastic, Pretorius invited Lydenburg to a discussion that would coincide with the court session. When, at Schoeman’s request, the session was postponed until the following year, Pretorius took the opportunity of sending a delegation to Lydenburg and subsequently receiving a Lydenburg deputation at Potchefstroom (21.2.1857). There Pretorius was contrite; he admitted complicity in the Smellekamp case and in the condemnation of the Lydenburg members of the volksraad. In this way he cleared the air and managed to effect a reconciliation. Instead of being an enemy Lydenburg was more likely to be an ally against Schoeman at the pending session of the court. At court developments proved unsatisfactory. Both parties clearly indicated that they would not accept an unfavourable verdict, the court was dissolved, and the respective military councils took over. A commission of twelve was nominated to review the laws of the land. The outcome of the commission’s work, which was completed on 13.2.1858, was a complete victory for Pretorius Practically unaltered, the 1856 constitution was accepted as the law of the land. For the third time Pretorius was elected as state president, while Schoeman on this occasion accepted the post of commandant-general.

After this major success it was a suitable time for Pretorius to continue with his plans for reunion with Lydenburg. Before this could be achieved, however, clashes between the O.F.S. and the Basuto compelled Pretorius to visit the O.F.S. once again. The O.F.S. was in such a predicament that amalgamation with the Transvaal could have followed Pretorius’s approaches, if, as Britain’s representative, Sir George Grey had not prevented it by threatening the possible suspension of the conventions of Sand river and Bloemfontein.

While Pretorius was away in the O.F.S. relations with Lydenburg deteriorated because of the divided loyalty of Utrecht. While the territory as a whole joined Lydenburg (8.5.1858), a group of inhabitants remained loyal to Pretorius He initiated a meeting between the executive councils of Lydenburg and the T.R. on the farm Onspoed (26.2.1859). A joint commission under his leadership was sent to Utrecht and satisfactorily solved the difficulties there.

Thus reunion was only a question of time. At Onspoed a basis had been initiated and was completed on 24.11.1859. Pretorius was the leading figure in these negotiations and was generous enough to admit past mistakes and to correct them. Although he made concessions on numerous points, Lydenburg joined the unified state on the basis of his constitution and took part in the session at Pretoria, on 4.4.1860, of the first combined volksraad.

Meanwhile, on 12.12.1859, Pretorius was also elected state president of the O.F.S. by an overwhelming majority, after the resignation of Boshof. The Transvaal volksraad granted Pretorius six months’ leave, but on 9.4.1860, after a report that Pretorius had been sworn in as state president of the O.F.S., decided to suspend him as state president until September. Pretorius took umbrage at this and concluded that the dual presidency was not supported by the Transvaal. Convinced that the O.F.S. needed his assistance more, he, on 15.9.1860, requested his honourable discharge as president of the T.R. and left for Bloemfontein. As president of the O.F.S. for almost three years he did splendid work. With great skill he brought several rebellious native chiefs to heel, and, with Moshweshwe especially, he ratified a boundary advantageous to the O.F.S. He examined the critical financial position of the O.F.S. and introduced limited, but profitable reforms. As a result of his interest education also benefited. The complete political chaos which developed in the Transvaal after his departure, however, prevented him from giving his undivided attention to the O.F.S.

Things came to such a pass in the Transvaal that he resigned as president of the O.F.S. on 1.10.1862, but subsequently allowed himself to be persuaded to withdraw his resignation and to proceed to the Transvaal on two months’ leave. But he arrived too late to avert a clash between the Staatsleger (’state army’) and Volksleger (’people’s army’), though he did his utmost to calm their feelings. As Pretorius had identified himself with the rebels in this civil strife he was, however, not acceptable to the Staatsleger as a mediator. Because of rumours that his life was threatened, he retired to the O.F.S. with the rebel leader, Stephanus Schoeman. Following an urgent request he returned to the Transvaal, where, on 24.11.1862, he acted as chairman at a meeting between the warring factions. There it was decided to refer all disputes to a special court. When hostilities broke out once again after the temporary peace, Pretorius again resigned as president of the O.F.S. (5.3.1863), but allowed himself to be persuaded a second time to withdraw his resignation. On being granted special leave he left for Potchefstroom, where he finally resigned as state president of the O.F.S. (15.4.1863).

Pretorius’s desire for a calm, quiet life was not to be granted. The extraordinary court session of January 1863 ruled that a state president should be elected. Pretorius was nominated, but W. C. Janse van Rensburg was elected. As irregularities had, however, occurred, another election was held on 1.10.1863. Van Rensburg again obtained a majority, but continued rumours of tampering with the ballot papers moved Comdt. Jan Willem Viljoen, of the western Transvaal, to advance with a commando that clashed with the Staatsleger on the Crocodile river (5.1.1864). Blood was shed; this catastrophe brought all the parties to their senses, and peace was made, a new presidential election was announced, and on 29.3.1864 Pretorius was again elected.

On his readmittance to the government of the T.R. he found many problems awaiting him. The most urgent was undoubtedly the dismal economic position, which had been gravely damaged by the civil strife. To improve the country’s financial position it had, in 1855 and 1857, been considered, under Pretorius’s leadership, whether, with state-owned land as its backing, paper money should be issued. Nothing, however, came of this idea. At the time of the civil war, when the treasury was quite empty, Schoeman was compelled to issue mandaten , which, without security, had no value as currency. To save the situation Pretorius persuaded the volksraad in June 1865 to issue paper money and to recall all mandaten. The appearance of paper money did not solve the problem as the security was insufficient and forgeries often occurred. In April 1866 the volksraad decided to issue new notes in British currency, while it was decided in 1870 to have these banknotes printed on proper banknote paper in Britain. The issuing of paper money was, to a great extent, only a temporary measure to save the national economy, and more constructive measures were considered under Pretorius’s leadership. Because of his ignorance of economic matters the initiative usually came from others, but he seized on new possibilities for development with surprising comprehension. Alexander McCorkindale’s schemes played an important part in this connection. Since 1864 the government had concluded with him arrangements such as the settlement of immigrants in Nieuw Schotland (New Scotland) in the eastern Transvaal, industrial development, a river route to the East coast, a harbour and a commercial bank, but these projects had not yet come to anything by 1871. Pretorius exerted himself to get citizens of the republic to take the lead in economic matters. He set an example when he suggested the possibility of coffee production to the volksraad after he had paid a visit to the Soutpansberg. Because of his zeal a large number of concessions were granted, but not much was effected. In 1866 several agreements were entered into between Pretorius and burghers of the republic, the intention being to establish an agricultural and animal husbandry company, a mining company, and a land and immigration company.

Internationally Pretorius was successful in getting the republic recognized as an independent state by Holland (29.10.1869), France (29.11.1869), Belgium (17.12.1869), the United States of America (19.11.1870) and Germany (29.1A 871). In return Pretorius appointed representatives abroad with well-disposed powers. Consulates were established in Britain, Ireland and Antwerp. Pretorius also strove for peaceful relations with neighbouring states and for this purpose consuls were appointed in Natal and the Cape Colony.

With Britain, however, no permanent peace appeared to be possible. The convention policy of 1852 was, in course of time, regarded in Britain as a mistake and pressure was exerted to bring the British government to change its views. The accusation that slavery was being practised in the Transvaal Pretorius successfully refuted, but could not free himself from the economic stranglehold of the British colonial harbours in Natal and in the Cape Colony. His claim to part of the customs duties on goods going to the Transvaal was blandly refused. Because of this the Transvaal began to turn to its Portuguese neighbour and tried to find its own harbour. In 1861 an unsuccessful effort had been made to obtain St Lucia bay for this purpose. When McCorkindale’s ambitious scheme of 1867 came to nothing, Pretorius himself acted. Convinced that the southern section of Delagoa bay, into which the partly navigable Maputa river flowed, was no man’s land, he, on 29.4.1868, extended the boundaries of the Transvaal so as to include the Maputa river up to where it flows into the Indian ocean. By proclamation he extended the boundaries of the republic as far as Lake Ngami in the west.

These annexations immediately roused Britain and Portugal, but with totally different results. Britain maintained that Pretorius’s actions menaced her supremacy and replied with threats and counter-demonstrations which weakened a relationship already strained. Discussions with the Portuguese were, on the contrary, quite friendly, and a permanent agreement was reached on 29.7.1869: a ‘treaty of peace, friendship, trade and frontiers’ was concluded between the republic and Portugal.

The demands created by these circumstances became, in the long run, too exacting for Pretorius. At times he was autocratic, but easily became the victim of any selfish adviser. When his administration was sharply criticized in 1867, he proved touchy, impatient and so unwilling to listen to criticism that he resigned as president on 29.11.1867. This elicited a half-hearted response from the volksraad and Pretorius quickly seized an opportunity of withdrawing his resignation. Although the volksraad showed increasing signs of indifference towards the president, the burghers still supported him. At the usual five-yearly election in 1869 Pretorius gained an overwhelming majority, securing more than double the number of votes gained by the other thirteen candidates.

But the writing was on the wall. Pretorius’s inability effectively to control national affairs is proved very clearly by the diamond dispute which arose in 1870. The Transvaal had, as an interested party, to deal with many intrigues which proved too much for Pretorius. On his own, moreover, he signed an act of submission wherein provision was made for arbitration on claims to the diamond-fields. In 1871 the lieutenant-governor of Natal, R.W. Keate, who was appointed the final arbiter, passed judgement against the Transvaal and, by so doing, roused a storm of opposition against Pretorius. In his absence the volksraad discussed whether he could remain president of the republic any longer. In seemingly bewildered fashion Pretorius concurred in this doubt and admitted that, because of altered circumstances ‘his capabilities were now quite inadequate’. This confession marks the temporary disappearance of Pretorius from public life (20.11.1871). He had shown himself to be a man devoted, enthusiastic and conscientious, but with too many limitations to be a statesman.

After his resignation he disappeared into the background, but after the annexation of the Transvaal in 1877 he, surprisingly quickly, returned to prominence. During the period of passive resistance he was elected chairman of the committee of Boer leaders; he was also a member of the committee that negotiated with Sir Bartle Frere at Hennops river (12.4.1879), and acted as chairman of the national assembly at Wonderfontein on 15.12.1879. For his share in these proceedings he was accused of treason by the British and imprisoned, but was almost immediately released on bail. On 13.12.1880, when the Transvaal burghers challenged Britain, and the restored government was placed in the hands of a triumvirate, Pretorius was a member of it, together with P. J. Joubert and S. J. P. Kruger. In this capacity he was a fellow signatory of the peace terms at Laingsnek, at the conclusion of the war on 21.3.1881, and also of the Pretoria convention (3.8.1881).

Although relatively young and physically strong, he retired from political life and went to live at Potchefstroom. He married the widow Hartog(t) on 26.11.1890.

During the final years of the republic’s existence he was appointed acting historian and received an annuity of £300. In a way the appointment was recognition of services rendered and his emolument was more of a pension. He, however, took his work seriously, moved temporarily to Pretoria and managed to collect a large number of valuable documents. Of these, few have been preserved for posterity; a valuable manuscript consisting of information from him was lost in A. D. W. Wolmaran’s house during the Second Anglo-Boer War, when the British occupied Pretoria, Pretorius’s personal documents were damaged by British troops on the farm of his son-in-law when, to keep him under surveillance they took the ex-president to Pretoria.

In his old age he was staying with a friend when, on a cold night in May 1901, he was aroused from sleep by suspicious British troops who, on the stoep, interrogated him for two hours in the cold. This proved too much for the constitution of this veteran of eighty-one; the next morning he said he felt ill and he died a few days later.

He is not one of South Africa’s greatest figures. Every unbiased observer will admit that many limitations made him increasingly incapable of being the head of a state under more advanced conditions. Both mentally and intellectually he was inadequately fitted to take an independent stand and for this very reason he, on the one hand, was imposed on by others, while, on the other, he offended his own people by his touchiness and alienated whole groups through impulsive and injudicious decisions. Nevertheless a place of honour has at all times to be allotted to him in the history of the Transvaal. In pioneering conditions he had an almost instinctive sense of duty and this compelled him to become a leader because he realized that there was work to be done. He never lacked patriotism and a dutiful spirit of self-sacrifice. With the limited means at his disposal he laid stronger foundations, both politically and otherwise, than any of his contemporaries.

A memorial in honour of Pretorius was erected by the state on his grave in the Potchefstroom cemetery and on 4.12.1913 this was unveiled by Gen. Louis Botha, prime minister of the Union of South Africa.

Even in old age Pretorius was an imposing figure with clear blue eyes, a well-formed head and strong features. There are quite a number of portraits of him, dating from the sixties to his more advanced years; they are, for example, to be found in the collections of the Pretoria city council, the S.P. Engelbrecht collection in the N.H. Kerk archives, Pretoria, and in the Transvaal archives, Pretoria. An oil-painting of Pretorius standing in the volksraad, which was in the Raadsaal, Pretoria, until 1900, became the possession of the Transvaal museum until, in 1964, it was returned to the Raadsaal after Jacobina van Tilburg had made a copy for the National Museum of Cultural History, Pretoria. There is a bronze bust in the possession of the city council of Pretoria. In front of the Pretoria city hall a statue (by Coert Steynberg) was unveiled in November 1955 at the time of the Pretoria centenary celebrations.

Marthinus Wessel Pretorius

Source: Dictionary of South African Biographies (Volume I)

Rev. MARSHALL MAXEKE, B.A., was born on the 1st November, 1874, at Middledrift, Cape Colony, where he received his early education. Later he was sent to Lovedale Training College with the son of Chief Gonya. After some; years . his parents moved to the north and settled in Johannesburg, where he worked as a harness-maker with Mr. (now Dr.) Tantsi, who became a great friend of his. About that time the MacAdoo Jubilee Singers of America visited South Africa, and Mr. Maxeke was so attracted by their harmony that he resolved to follow them to America to study music. While working in Johannesburg Mr. Maxeke became a local preacher. At this time the lady who later became Mrs. C. M. Maxeke, was already studying in the Wilberforce University, America. In 1897 Bishop Turner, who was then chairman of the Missionary Board, paid a short visit to South Africa, and on his return he was accompanied by Messrs. Maxeke and Tantsi. On arrival in America they went straight to the Wilberforce University where they joined classes. Mr. Maxeke won the Rush Prize and passed the B.A. Examination with honours in Classics and Mathematics. After passing the Theological Examination he was ordained in 1903 as an elder in the African Methodist Episcopal Church.

He returned to, South Africa the same year and married Miss Charlotte Manye who had already returned from America and was teaching in Pietersburg, Transvaal, and doing missionary work. A son was born to them. Both Rev. and Mrs. Maxeke continued their good work until he died at Boksburg, Transvaal, in 1928. He compiled the first Xosa A.M.E. Church Hymn Book. Rev. Maxeke was a powerful preacher and an eloquent platform orator. A good writer, and at one time editor of the Unateteli u a Bantu, a weekly publication in Johannesburg. He took keen interest in the politics of the country. Was a prominent member of the African National Congress. Rev. Maxeke was a real progressive man and played an important part in. the education of his people, especially in mission schools. He was a favourite of the African Chiefs in the Cape, especially in Tembuland where he and Mrs. Maxeke did much for the education of the Tembu children.

“The Pondo deputation, which is accompanied by Mr. D Strachan and Mr. Louis Zeitman, arrived in Capetown yesterday morning by the Garth Castle. On arrival in Capetown they were soon waited upon by the Hon. Mr. De Wet, Secretary for Native Affairs, who at once arranged an early interview with the Hon. the Treasurer-General. The Pondo representatives are a fine and intelligent lot of natives, and they give a most favourable impression of the tribe to which they belong.

The Chief, who has a pleasing face and affable manner, speaks English fluently, and with much softness of accent. He expressed himself as very much impressed with the appearance of the large towns he had seen, but his admiration was reserved for the Garth Castle, in which he said he was quite at home. That is to say the change from the small coasting steamer, in which he suffered frommal de mer, to a large ocean boat was conducive to his comfort. The Chief and his suite, with their followers, were all dressed in European costume, and the members of the suite only gave evidence of their tribal life in the large and well-polished ivory buttons which they wore in their ears. The members of the deputation are: Umhlangazo, nephew of the Paramount Chief Mqikela, Ketshe, and Umgwenya, chief councillors. Mr. D. Strachan, whose influence in Pondoland is so, great, has been placed in charge of the deputation. Other members of the deputation are Mr. Tyson, secretary of the deputation, and Mr. Zietzman, legal adviser. The object of the deputation, as is well known, is to lay a statement of their grievances which have been pretty considerably well aired in the South African press, before His Excellency the High Commissioner and the Cape Government, and Mr. Strachan points out that the fact of these men having at such inconvenience gone through a sea voyage, which natives so much detest, together with the circumstance that they. will defray all the expense of the journey, is a proof of their desire to work in accord with the Cape Government. They hope that the result of their mission will be the drawing up of a new treaty, by which there shall be a most amicable understanding between the. Cape Colony and Pondoland”

(*Ormiston, East Lothian, Scot., 21.12.1795 – †Leigh, Kent, Eng., 8.8.1883), missionary of the L.M.S., Tswana linguist and Bible translator, was born of humble parentage, the third son in a family of five sons and two daughters. His father, Robert Moffat, was a custom-house officer, his mother was Ann Gardiner, of Ormiston. His sketchy elementary education was supplemented by the teaching of the minister and by the influence of his kind, but sternly religious mother.

After serving his apprenticeship as a gardener he from 1809 found employment first in Fifeshire, then in Cheshire, and, subsequently, in 1815, with a nursery gardener named James Smith at Dukinfield, near Manchester. Smith was of a strongly religious turn and his daughter, Mary, was a pious young woman with ‘a warm missionary heart’. M.’s own heart was set on missionary work and in 1816 he was accepted by the L.M.S. A Presbyterian by upbringing, M. had, while serving as a gardener in Cheshire, come under the influence of some earnest Wesleyan Methodists. He had resolved to devote his life to religious work and to become a missionary.

He sailed for South Africa in October 1816 in the company of the missionaries J. Kitchingman, J. Evans, J. Taylor and John Brownlee and arrived in Cape Town on 13.1.1817. During his stay at Dukinfield he had fallen in love with Mary Smith (1795-1871), and she with him. James Smith, however, was determined that his daughter should not go abroad, and it was not until three years later that this objection was overcome.

M.’s destination was Great Namaqualand, north of the Orange river, but to his disappointment the local authorities, for political reasons, at first refused him permission to proceed there. M. usefully filled in the time of waiting by going to Stellenbosch to acquire a working knowledge of Dutch. He also accompanied the missionary Dr George Thom to mission stations of the L.M.S. and reported many irregularities. Permission was eventually obtained; he left Cape Town in October 1817, crossed the Orange river at Pella drift, and reached Great Namaqualand in the following January.

The people among whom he was to work were ruled by Jager (Christiaan) Afrikaner, formerly a notorious Hottentot freebooter who lived at Afrikanerskraal, some distance to the east of the present Warmbad in South-West Africa. M. made a considerable impression on Afrikaner, and persuaded him to go with him on a joint visit to Cape Town . Meanwhile he had journeyed far north in South-West Africa with Afrikaner, but saw no hope of establishing a mission there, and travelled eastward to Griquatown and Dithakong in Bechuanaland before returning to Afrikanerskraal and to Cape Town. His early observations on the geology of the Griqua and Bechuana country are of particular interest in view of later mineral exploitation of this region.

On his arrival in April 1819, M. found in Cape Town a deputation from the L.M.S. This consisted of Dr John Philip and John Campbell, who had been sent out to investigate various allegations that had been made against the society’s missions and missionaries. The deputation invited M. to accompany them as their interpreter in Dutch, but their tour was cut short by the Fifth Frontier War (1819) on the eastern border of the colony. M. returned to Cape Town in time to welcome his fiancee when she landed in South Africa for the first time. Robert and Mary were married in St George’s church, Cape Town, on 27.12.1819.

It was an ideally happy union; Mary had faith and courage of a high order, for without these she could not have left her home and parents to sail to the other end of the world. She also had a will of her own and her views on people were direct and uncompromising. At the same time she was wholly engrossed in her husband’s work and found her fulfilment in supporting him with a care that grew more constant with the years.

Apart from his marriage M.’s visit to Cape Town had other important consequences. He was persuaded by the deputation to abandon Namaqualand and to take over the society’s station among the Tswana. He arrived at Dithakong, one hundred miles north of Klaarwater (Griquatown) in March 1820. Permission to live there was at first withheld by the authorities, but was given after M. had temporarily returned to Griquatown. In May 1821 the Moffats again took up residence at Dithakong.

The people among whom M. laboured were the Tlhaping, the most southerly of the tribes collectively known as Tswana (Bechuana). They were not unknown to Europeans, having been visited by Truter and Somerville in 1801 and thereafter by several travellers. Their chief was Mothibi, son of Molehabangwe, who in 1813 had invited John Campbell to ‘send instructors’ to his country, at the same time promising to be ‘a father’ to them.

The first missionaries sent in response to his invitation, John Evans and Robert Hamilton, were, in fact, rebuffed, but the. elder James Read and Hamilton obtained a foothold at the end of 1816. In the following year Read persuaded Mothibi to move the tribal capital southwards from Dithakong (Old Lithako) to the Kuruman river. Read was transferred and Hamilton then struggled on alone until M.’s arrival.

The Moffats had not long settled at Dithakong when there began a period of considerable excitement and anxiety. In 1823 one of the hordes, part refugees, part banditti, set in motion by the wars of the Zulu chief Shaka invaded southern Bechuanaland . M. acted promptly and enlisted the help of some of Andries Waterhoer’s Griquas, mounted riflemen, who put the invaders to flight.

Although the immediate danger of invaders from the east had been averted, the following years were difficult and depressing, as can be gauged from M.’s letters and journals of the period 1820-1828, published in 1951 (Schapera, infra ). The people remained deaf to the missionaries’ teaching; bands of marauders roamed the countryside and sometimes threatened the station; Mothibi drifted away with most of his people. The missionaries refused to be discouraged and in 1829, as if miraculously, the sky seemed to clear and thereafter there was peace. In that year, too, the first converts were baptized. Meanwhile the station itself had moved. In 1824 M. persuaded Mothibi to transfer the tribal capital from New Lithako (Maruping) to Seoding, the present site. This was further up-stream and nearer the famous ‘eye’ of Kuruman, where a veritable underground river bursts into the open.

By instinct and training a gardener, M, used the water of the river to raise crops by irrigation. His efforts to teach the natives better agriculture, though not quickly successful, showed results in the long run.

The year 1829 was not only memorable for an improvement in the fortunes of the mission. It also saw the beginning of M’s extraordinary friendship with Mzilikazi, chief of the Matebele. This chief, his curiosity aroused by tales about the white men, sent two headmen to Kuruman on a visit of inquiry. M. accompanied them to Mzilikazi’s town near the site of future Pretoria. At their first meeting Mzilikazi conceived an extraordinary affection for M. which remained undiminished for thirty years. M. visited Mzilikazi again in 1835 at Mosega in the western Transvaal , this time accompanying the great expedition to the interior led by Dr Andrew Smith. After the Matebele had moved beyond the Limpopo to Bulawayo , M. paid three more visits to Mzilikazi in 1854, 1857 and 1859. The extensive journals kept by M. and dealing with these occasions were discovered in 1942 and published in 1945 (cf. L P. R. Wallis, infra).

It was never remotely likely that Mzilikazi would become a Christian, but, short of that, he went to extraordinary lengths to please the man whom he revered. He moderated his laws, mitigated his punishments, submitted meekly to many harsh reproofs for his depravity, and in his old age actually permitted the L.M.S. to establish a station in his country at Inyati.

Almost as soon as he had mastered the Tlhaping dialect of the Tswana language, M. began to translate the Bible and to prepare other devotional and educational publications in this language. Of his first Tswana spelling and reading book (published in London in 1826) only a fragment has survived. With the help of Rogers Edwards this became the Buka ea Likaélo tsa ntla … (Kuruman, 1842), of which a third edition, with variation of contents, appeared in 1843, other editions following in 1850 and 1857.

In his early years at Kuruman M. also prepared the first Tswana catechism, a translation of the catechism of Dr Brown, of Edinburgh , to which he added the third chapter of St John (printed in Holborn, London, in 1826). Various later editions appeared at Kuruman and in London until 1848, all containing, besides questions, extracts from the Holy Scriptures.

By 1830 M. had completed his translation of St Luke, which he took to Cape Town and composed for printing with his own hands at the government press. The book was printed under the supervision of B. J. van de Sandt, from whom M. learned to set up type, to print and to bind. This knowledge he was to apply when, in 1831, he brought his hand printing-press by ox-wagon to Kuruman and started the printing of his own Tlhaping work, as well as literature produced by his missionary colleagues of the Paris Evangelical mission society at Mothito, who used the Rolong dialect of Tswana.

While working on his Bible translation, M. published a collection of hymns ( Lihela tsa tuto le puloko tsa Yesu Kereste, Kuruman , 1831), with later editions and a supplement in 1855. With Edwards he wrote and printed at Kuruman a book of Bible lessons ( Likaelo tsa ri tlauchoeng mo Bibelieng … ) in 1833, with a second edition of 5,000 copies in 1841, and this was evidently used in teaching at other mission stations, too.

M.’s publication of the gospel of St Luke in 1830 had been the first published translation of a portion of the Bible in any South African native language. By 1836 he had struck off on his press part of his translation of St James, and in 1839 took to Cape Town for printing his translation of the whole New Testament. As he could not arrange for the printing to be done in Cape Town, he took his manuscript to Britain where his Tswana New Testament appeared the following year ( Kholagano enca ea Yesu Keresete … London, 1840). This was the first complete translation of its kind into a South African native language, and was followed in 1841 by the publication in London of his translation of Psalms, which he had actually done while in Britain.

On his return to Kuruman M. continued his monumental task of also translating the Old Testament with the help of his colleague, William Ashton (1817-1897), also printing it on his trusty old mission press (now preserved in the Kimberley public library) in two parts: the first in 1853, the second in 1857. When M. presented the final parts of his Bibela ea boitsépho to Sir George Grey in November 1857, it was the first full translation of the Bible in any South African native tongue. Likewise, through M.’s initiative and energy, Tswana was the fifth language in Africa to have a translation of the New Testament, and the third to have a complete translation of the Bible. At the same time M. had confirmed his claim to a place among the great translators by completing this herculean labour.

During his sojourn in Britain from June 1839 to the beginning of 1843, he wrote and published his Missionary labours and scenes in southern Africa ( London, 1840), which aroused unprecedented public interest. The fourth edition appeared in 1842 while he was still in Britain, and by 1846 eleven thousand copies and a French edition had been printed. M. appeared before enthusiastic gatherings, preaching and lecturing, and some of his addresses were published: Africa: or, gospel light shining in the midst of heathen darkness. A sermon on Isaiah IX2 … preached … before the directors of the London missionary society ( London, 1840); African scenes; being a series of anecdotes … related by the Rev. R. Moffat, at public meetings … (Sunderland, 1843); Incidents in the life of the Rev. R. Moll at, being an address delivered by him … 1842 ( Birmingham, 1842); The farewell services of Robert Moffat, in Edinburgh, Manchester, and London. Edited by John Campbell ( London, 1843).

His visit also gave rise to a number of publications by others on his work in South Africa . It was in 1841, too, that M. met young David Livingstone, then studying for his ordination in London, directed his interest to Africa and secured his services for the mission to the Kwena. By the end of 1843 he was back at Kuruman.

M.’s fourth visit to Mzilikazi in 1857 had as its object a mission to the Matebele. It was on this journey that he persuaded Mzilikazi to release from military servitude Matsheng, rightful chief of the Ngwato. In doing so he innocently brought much trouble on that tribe (cf. Sekgoma I and John Mackenzie).

In 1858 irresponsible Tlhapings raided the O.F.S. and the Transvaal republic, suspecting that the Kuruman missionaries were in league with the tribesmen. The Transvaal seemed disposed to frustrate the expedition which Moffat was to lead to Matebeleland. At the same time burghers were reported to be making preparations to attack Kuruman. M. appealed to Sir George Grey, governor of the Cape Colony, who obtained from President M. W. Pretorius a repudiation of the plan to attack Kuruman; nor was anything more done to stop the proposed journey. M. accordingly led a missionary party to Matebeleland and returned to Kuruman in August 1860, leaving his companions at the new station of Inyati. One of the Matebele party was his own son, John Smith Moffat.

After this date M. did not undertake any more long journeys. He remained at Kuruman, devoting himself to the work of the station and out-stations, where there was more than enough for him to do.

In 1848 he had translated and published at Kuruman Bunyan’s Pilgrim’s progress; his third visit to Mzilikazi he described in a pamphlet in 1856, and in 1863 appeared an account of his work in the mission field, entitled Rivers of water in a dry place. An account of the introduction of Christianity into southern Africa, and of Mr. Moffat’s missionary labours.

(London, 1863, with new editions in 1867 and 1869).

M.’s last years were saddened by family bereavements. He preached at Kuruman for the last time on 20.3.1870 and a few days later the patriarchal pair set out for Britain and retirement. Mary Moffat died in Brixton in January 1871. M. continued to travel about the United kingdom, preaching and advancing the cause of missions. He revised his translation of the New Testament, of which a new edition, as well as an edition of the whole Tswana Bible appeared in 1872. In the same year the University of Edinburgh conferred on him the honorary degree of D.D.

He went to live in London, where he was present at the funeral of David Livingstone in 1874, and at the unveiling of the Livingstone statue in Edinburgh in 1876. In 1877 he visited Paris by invitation to address a great gathering of French children. In 1879 he went to live at Leigh, near Tunbridge, and on 7.5.1881 he was publicly honoured in London at a dinner attended by leading figures in the religious, and philanthropic world, and representatives of both houses of parliament.

M. lies buried in Norwood cemetery, beside the remains of his wife. There is a monument to his memory in Ormiston, his birthplace. He and his wife had ten children, four sons and six daughters, of whom two daughters and a son died young. His eldest daughter, Mary Moffat (1821-1862), was the wife of David Livingstone; the second daughter, Anne Moffat (1823-1893), married a French missionary, Jean Fr6doux (1823-1866), of Mothitho; the eldest surviving son, Robert Moffat (1827-1862), was a trader; Helen Moffat (1829-1902) married J. Vavasseur; the youngest son, the missionary John Smith Moffat, was also the biographer of his parents; Elizabeth (Bessie) Lees Moffat (1839-1919) became the wife of Roger Price, and the youngest daughter, Jane Gardiner Moffat (1840 to 1927), died unmarried.

M. was a simple man of extraordinary zeal, de-termination and courage. He was essentially evangelical, holding that the missionary’s chief task, indeed his only task, was to ‘teach poor heathen to know the Saviour’. Any other interest he held to be irrelevant and likely to obscure this supreme objective. He disapproved strongly; for example, of John Philip’s ‘political’ activities, al-though these were aimed at improving the lot of the native peoples. He had no interest in native customs and traditional usages, which he either condemned as sinful or dismissed as silly and squalid.

He was also strangely insensitive to the devotion which he inspired in Mzilikazi, which he neither understood nor appreciated. Although M. missed so much, his writings, which consist of letters, reports and an autobiography, nevertheless contain much historical material concerning the native peoples, as well as many vivid sidelights on the trials and triumphs of a missionary’s life. It has been suggested that his overwhelming personality allowed little scope for the development of a strong succession; that he centralized too much and fostered initiative too little; that his prestige obscured the contribution made by other workers in his field. Even if true, this does not detract from his achievements. Under his guidance Kuruman became not only the focus of Christian civilization in southern Bechuanaland, but also a springboard for the exploration and evangelization of the still more remote interior. M.’s place is among the great nineteenth-century missionaries.

Portraits of M. are to be found in the three volumes of his published journals and letters, the biography by his son, and most other works on his life. The frontispiece of the 1843 edition of his Missionary labours contains the Baxter print of the youthful missionary; an etching of the portrait by Leon Richelson at the time of M.’s visit to Paris in April 1877 is in the Africana museum, Johannesburg. The stone church at Kuruman, built by M. from 1830 to 1833, was proclaimed as a national monument in 1939. M.’s home, though dilapidated, was still in existence in 1964.

Source: Dictionary of South African Biography (Volume 1)

Some information on Robert Moffat’s wife, Mary Smith Moffat:

Mary Smith Moffat (1795-1871) was missionary wife of Robert Moffat, and mother of Mary, the wife of David Livingstone. Born in New Windsor, England, she married Robert Moffat in December, 1819 at Cape Town, South Africa. They settled at Kuruman in Bechuanaland and established a mission there. They had ten children: Mary (who married David Livingstone), Ann, Robert (died as an infant), Robert, Helen, Elizabeth (died as an infant), James, John, Elizabeth, and Jean. The Moffats returned to England in 1839 for their only furlough. In 1870, the aged missionaries returned to England to stay. Mary died shortly thereafter.

Robert Moffat

Mary Smith

Christiaan (Frederik) Louis Leipoldt

Born in Worcester, 28 December 1880 and died in Cape Town, 12 April 1947. Physician, poet and author, Louis was the fourth child of Christiaan Friedrich Leipoldt (Died: 11 November 1911), a Rhenish missionary and N.G. Kerk minister, and his wife Anna Meta Christiana Esselen (Died: 24 December 1903), the daughter of the Rev. Louis F. Esselen, a Rhenish missionary of Worcester, in whose home in Adderley Street Leipoldt was born and where he lived with his parents until he was four years old. His maternal grandfather gave Leipoldt his first lessons in reading and writing, guided his general education and exerted great influence on him during his formative years. His paternal grandfather, J. G. Lepoldt, was a Rhenish missionary at Ebenhaezer on the Olifants River and at Wuppertal. Leipoldt’s father was also a missionary, first in Sumatra and from 1879 at Worcester. In 1883, however, he became an N.G. Kerk minister and settled in 1884 at Clanwilliam in the N.G. parsonage in Park Street.The relationship existing among the members of the Leipoldt family was not a happy one, while Leipoldt’s relations with his mother were decidedly unhappy. However, he held his father in high esteem and greatly respected him.

An intellectually gifted child, Leipoldt received an exceptionally good grounding at home in the natural sciences, history, geography, languages (Greek, Latin, French), literature and Eastern religious conceptions. His father had an extensive library and gave Leipoldt informal instruction and guided him towards independent study by teaching him to consult source material and to solve problems on his own. This laid the foundation for his independent trend of thought in later years. His curiosity and spirit of investigation also manifested themselves in later life in his diversity of interests apart from literature: in education, the supernatural, in politics, psychology, philosophy, history, botany and in the culinary art. Even as a child his general knowledge was exceptional.

Leipoldt’s three home languages were English, German and Dutch. As a child he was able to read the language of the Malays. At a very early age he read a great deal, evinced a thirst for knowledge, a great capacity for work and an astonishing memory. He read the works of Dante, Bunyan, Milton, Racine and Scott, and before he was ten years old he knew long passages from the works of some of these authors. English became the language he used for journalism, while his poetry, prose and plays were written mainly in Afrikaans, although he began by writing his poetry in English.

Leipoldt’s childhood days were not happy. As his mother prevented his association with other children, he led a very lonely life in Clanwilliam. He remained at home until he had passed his matriculation examination. Two trips to Cape Town (1886 and 1890) made a deep impression on him. Although he attested to his unhappy life right to the end, nevertheless some of his poems reveal the intense joy which as a child he experienced in nature.

As an artist Leipoldt developed at an early age. His father encouraged him to read literary works and made him write essays which he criticized. This encouraged the artistic qualities dormant in him. From his sixth year he corresponded with his grandfather Esselen and this first conscious setting down of his observations trained him in the art of writing. Because of his loneliness he, even before his eighth year, created imaginary playmates in his writings. Throughout his life he continued to converse with himself in his poems, especially in his “Slampamperliedjies” (vagabond songs).

As the age of eight he wrote a tragedy inspired by Van Limburg Brouwer’s Akbar. Between the ages of ten and twelve he earned his first money with stories, which were published in the London Boy’s Own Paper and The Cape Argus, as well as with journalistic literature in The Cape Times, Cape Monthly Magazine and Scientific African. His creative and journalistic work during these early days was thus combined. At the age of fourteen he became a reporter for The Cape Times in the North-Western Cape. During these early years he also furnished news items for Johannesburg and Bloemfontein newspapers. He was helped with his poetry by an English minister, the Rev. C. D. Roberts, who also wrote poetry.

Leipoldt’s love for botany was awakened early in his life. In his twelfth year he met the well-known German botanist Rudolph Schlechter collecting plants in the veld outside Clanwilliam. Schlechter invited Leipoldt to accompany him on his trip by ox-waggon to Namaqualand. He later also became friendly with other well-known botanists such as Peter MacOwan, Harry Bolus and Rudolph Marloth.

Journalism was Leipoldt’s first profession. In 1896 he wrote to The Cape Times on the colour question, which gave rise to a violent controversy and F. S. Malan the editor of Ons Land devoted a leader to it. In 1898 Leipoldt published a number of sketches on Clanwilliam in the Cape Industrial Magazine. He also matriculated in that year. As the life in Clanwilliam was too confining for his budding genius, he moved to the Cape where he became a journalist for De Kolonist. Before his twentieth year he was already a contributor to several leading newspapers abroad. When the Second Anglo-Boer War broke out Leipoldt was unable to reconcile himself with the pro-Rhodes sentiment of De Kolonist and Het Dagblad and became the Dutch correspondent for the pro-Boer newspaper the South African News, which sent him to the North-eastern front. He also wrote communiques on the war for overseas newspapers such as the Manchester Guardian and Daily Express (England), Het Nieuws van de Dag en De Telegraaf (Holland), Petit Bleu (Belgium), the Hamburger Neueste Nachrichten (Germany), the Chicago Record and the Boston Post (U.S.A.). During the war Leipoldt travelled about a great deal in the Cape Colony as a shorthand recorder for the circuit court, and in 1900-01 he attended the court sessions dealing with Cape rebels. During this period he wrote a number of poems which appeared later in his first volume of poetry, such as ‘Oom Gert vertel’, which originated in Dordrecht in 1901, based on incidents related to him by an old man shortly after the engagement at Labuschagnesnek. His first published verses were war poems which appeared during the war in English in the pro-Boer New Age. In 1900 he published two sketches ‘De Rebel’ and in 1901 ‘Bambinellino’ in the Dutch art publication Elesevier’s Geïllustreerd Maandschrift . They were written in Dutch but with an Afrikaans dialogue. It was the first belletristic contribution by an Afrikaans author to a Dutch paper. ‘De Rebel’ was the forerunner of the poem ‘Oom Gert Vertel’.

At the end of 1899 the editor of the South African News was imprisoned under martial law and the nineteen-year-old Leipoldt became editor until October 1901, when the paper was temporarily suspended under martial law. Leipoldt refused an offer from a Rhodesian newspaper and in 1902 went abroad. He travelled through Holland, Belgium, France and Spain as a reporter for the Manchester Guardian. In 1903 he enrolled at Guy’s Hospital, London, as a medical student but continued with his journalism, writing for English and American papers. In addition he attended lectures on law, and on occasion he travelled to the Netherlands to interview Pres. S. J. P. Kruger in Utrecht on behalf of the British press. In 1904 he became the editor of Sir Henry Burdett’s The Hospital, travelling to Europe and America to collect in-formation about hospitals. He also edited School Hygiene, the official publication of British school physicians.

In 1907 Leipoldt completed his medical studies, being awarded the gold medal for surgery as well as for medicine. He became a houseman at Guy’s hospital and furthered his studies in orthopaedics and children’s diseases in Berlin, Bologna, Vienna and Graz. In 1909 he went on a six-month luxury yachting excursion along the coast of America as personal physician to the eleven-year old son of the millionaire press-magnate, Joseph Pulitzer. In the U.S.A. he visited orthopaedic centres. In 1909 he received the F.R.C.S. in London and again travelled to France, Italy, West Germany, the Netherlands and Belgium. In 1909 his first book appeared: The ideal graduate study institution: what Germany has done (London, 1909). Between 1910 -11 he was attached to the large children’s hospital in Chelsea, London, and to the German hospital at Dalston. At this time he published his first book on nutrition and diet: Common sense dietetics (London, 1911), an adaptation of which he issued a quarter of a century later entitled The belly-book or diner’s guide (London, 1936).

He became a school doctor, first in south London and then in Hampstead, and in this capacity he frequently travelled to the Netherlands, Belgium, Italy and the U.S.A. In January 1912 for health reasons he accepted the post of ship’s doctor in the Ulysses, on its voyage from England to the Dutch East-Indies, where he visited Java, Sumatra and Borneo. In June 1912 he returned, resumed his work in Hampstead and wrote a manual entitled The school nurse: her duties and responsibilities (London, 1912). While in London Leipoldt studied for and obtained various diplomas in cookery. Throughout his life he was interested in the culinary art and is known for his Kos vir die kenner (Cape Town, 1933). During the war in the Balkans (1912 -13) he again acted as war correspondent, for the allies, the Bulgarians, Roumanians, Servians and Greeks in their struggle against Turkey, but as a physician he on occasion even tended wounded Turks and as a mark of gratitude the University of Constantinople conferred an honorary degree on him.

Leipoldt’s poetical talent flourished during the years that he spent overseas, but as a poet he still felt the indelible effect of the Second Anglo-Boer War. In 1910 his friend J. J. Smith helped him in London with the editing of his first volume of poems, Oom Gert vertel en ander gedigte (Cape Town, 1911). It consisted of poems which dated from 1896 and is one of the most important volumes of early Afrikaans poetry. Together with J. F. Celliers and Totius (J. D. du Toit), whose volumes of poems appeared more or less simultaneously, he became known as one of the ‘Driemanskap’. The poems included in Leipoldt’s first volume are written in a magnificent colloquial Afrikaans bearing the characteristic Afrikaans and South African stamp; the volume has also some of the finest Afrikaans war poems. The poem which also furnishes the title of the volume is a dramatic monologue and Oom Gert is regarded as the first vital character in Afrikaans literature. This volume also contains brilliant nature poems and illustrates Leipoldt’s interest in the child, both in his role as a physician and later as a foster father.

Leipoldt in his role of the child’s friend reveals himself at an early stage in his other literary works. One of his most attractive stories entitled ‘Die weeskindjie wat ‘n moeder wou hê’, appeared in 1914 in Die Brandwag.

In 1914 Leipoldt returned to South Africa, and in April of the same year he became chief medical inspector of schools in the Transvaal, the first post of its kind in South Africa. When the First World War broke out in August, Gen. Louis Botha commandeered him for service in the Department of Defence. Later on he accompanied Botha as his personal physician, but in June 1915 he resumed his duties as school medical inspector.

In the meanwhile Leipoldt continued his work as a creative artist, and in this year revealed his ability as a dramatist. His first published play, Die Laspos, a one-act play which appeared on 25 May 1919 in Die Brandwag, was followed in 1920 by his second volume of poems Dingaansdag (Pretoria, 1920) which did not attain the high standard of the first. It dealt with the Great Trek and the Afrikaner nation during the First World War and the Rebellion. In his first volume the poet had sympathised and associated himself with the suffering and fortunes of his people, but in the new volume his political sentiments had undergone a change. Shortly afterwards a third volume of poems entitled Uit drie wêrelddele was published in Cape Town in 1923, and these poems were a great improvement on those of the previous volume. Some of them were written in England and others in the East Indies. Three of the best known poems in this volume are ‘By die vlei’, ‘Die man met die helm’, and ‘Grys-blou butte’, depicting a lonely man advanced in years. In ‘Droom en doen’ Leipoldt endeavours to forget the Second Anglo-Boer War and sallies forth to meet a new future. The poet who was so indignant about the war in Oom Gert vertel en ander gedigte now sought conciliation. He also revealed a strong cosmopolitan outlook.

Leipoldt evinced a strong interest in the East, its religion, customs, inhabitants and scenery, as is illustrated by his journey to the Orient (1912) and his poems on the East Uit Drie wêrelddele and Uit my Oosterse dagboek (Cape Town, 1932). His art was permeated by his interest in the exotic, the strange and extraordinary, the supernatural, the problem of death, the here-after, and in abnormal and deviate characters. Whereas Leipoldt had always been a man of sober, sound judgement in the scientific field, in journalism and in his everyday relationship with people, in the sphere of art he tended to be swayed by emotion.

In 1916 he assisted with the medical inspection of schools in Natal and in 1919 in the Cape. As a medical inspector of schools he did much for school tours, school holiday camps and convalescent homes for ailing children. His love of teaching was not only clearly discernible in his medical work but also came to the fore in various writings, such as Praatjies met die oumense (Pretoria, 1918), in which he proffered a miscellany of advice to parents on educational, medical and other topics. In 1919 Leipoldt and Dr Anne Cleaver established a school clinic in Johannesburg, the first of its kind in South Africa, and in the following year he published Die Afrikaanse kind in siekte en gesondheid (Cape Town, 1920). Among his best-known books for children are the educational Praatjies met die kinders (Pretoria, 1920), Stories vir kinders (Cape Town, 1922) en Kampstories (Pretoria, 1923), which appeared at a time when there was comparatively little in the way of Afrikaans reading matter for children.

During the time that Leipoldt was living in Pretoria in the capacity of medical inspector of schools he was also a regular contributor to Die Brandwag . He edited the Transvaal Medical Times and published poems and popular science articles in periodicals and newspapers such as De Goede Hoop, Ons Moedertaal, Die Boervrou, Die Volkstem and Die Huisgenoot. In Pretoria he became friendly with Dr F. V. Engelenburg, the editor of De Volkstem. In 1922 Leipoldt joined the editorial staff of the newspaper and in 1923 became its assistant-editor. However, he could not agree with Gustav S. Preller who succeeded Engelenburg in 1924 and was dismissed in 1925, butLeipoldt continued to write the column ‘Oom Gert se diwigasies’ for the paper until 9 December 1931.

In the early twenties Leipoldt published his greatest dramatic work entitled Die heks (Cape Town, 1923), which he had commenced writing in English during the years 1910-11 while in London. It was rewritten in Afrikaans in 1914 prior to his return to South Africa and he continued working on it until it was published in 1923. Even today it is regarded as one of the most important Afrikaans dramatic works and established Leipoldt as one of the pioneers in this field.
In the 1924 general election he stood as a candidate for the South African Party in the Wonderboom constituency, but was defeated. In April 1925 he again moved to Cape Town to set up practice as a child specialist, and spent some of his happiest years there until his death. Leipoldt cherished a deep affection for Cape Town with its scenic beauty and historical associations with the past.

Leipoldt opened his home ‘Arbury’ in Kenilworth to underprivileged boys who resided with him as his foster children. He legally adopted one boy, Jeffrey Leipoldt. In 1928 he accompanied a group of school children on a two-month holiday tour to England.

In Cape Town Leipoldt wrote medical articles for The Cape Argus. In 1926 he became secretary of the Medical Council of South Africa and editor of the South African Medical Journal, and also acted as a part-time lecturer on children’s diseases at the University of Cape Town (1926 -39). In 1939 he became part-time secretary of the South African Medical Council, travelled throughout the country and attended congresses and meetings. In 1934 an honorary D.Litt. degree was conferred on him by the University of the Witwatersrand.

From the thirties onwards Leipoldt showed a growing interest in his literary work, and these years proved particularly rewarding for him as an artist. Die laaste aand (Cape Town, 1930) was the first Afrikaans play ever written in verse form, although he had begun working on it as early as 1915. It is one of his best works, for which together with Die heks he was awarded the Hertzog prize in 1944. Die Bergtragedie (Cape Town, 1932), a long poem on which he had begun working before 1900 (originally in English), is not of a high standard although Leipoldt considered it good. A volume of poems entitled Skoonheidstroos (Cape Town, 1932), appeared at this time and included poems written during the period 1923-32. This work was also awarded the Hertzog prize and contains a number of Leipoldt’s loveliest poems, such as ‘n Kersnaggebed’, although it never achieved the heights attained by Oom Gert vertel en ander gedigte. At the beginning of the thirties a number of less successful works appeared: Afgode (1931), Die Kwaksalwer (1931) and Onrus (1931). Apart from these dramatic works Leipoldt also published three one-act plays: Jannie (1919), ‘n Vergissing (1927) en Die byl (1950).

His prose works were chiefly a product of the thirties. The first to appear was Waar spoke speel (Cape Town, 1927); it was followed by Wat agter lê en ander verhale (Cape Town, 1930); a long psychological novel: Die donker huis (Cape Town, 1931); and a lengthy historical novel set in the period shortly after the Great Trek: Galgsalmander (Cape Town, 1932). Die moord op Muizenberg (Cape Town, 1932) is a detective novel. Die rooi rotte (Cape Town, 1932) is a book of short stories. Uit my oorsese dagboek (Cape Town, 1932) is an absorbing travel book. Die verbrande lyk (Cape Town, 1934) is another detective story. Die dwergvroutjie (Cape Town, 1937), is a psychological story and was originally written in English. Bushveld doctor (London, 1937) is a well-written autobiography. This was followed in 1939 by Die Moord in die bosveld (Cape Town, 1939). In his prose works, which consist mainly of murder and detective stories, Leipoldt’s preoccupation with the abnormal in psychology, and with the supernatural and the mysterious comes to the fore. His prose works never attain tLeipoldthe heights achieved in his plays and poetry, yet he possesses a flowing and absorbing narrative style; and although it was small, he undoubtedly had a share in the development of Afrikaans prose. During these years he also wrote stories for children: Paddastories vir die peetkind (1934), Die wonderlike klok, Die mossie wat wou ryk word (1931) en Die goue eier (1937). He also published popular science fiction for children as exemplified in As die natuur gesels (two volumes, Cape Town, 1928, 1931).

Apart from his creative work during the thirties he published a number of works such as Medicine and faith (London, 1935) and various historical works based on secondary source material: firstly, Jan van Riebeeck: a biographical study (London, 1936), of which a German translation also appeared : Holland gründet die Kapkolonie: Jan van Riebeeck Leben and Werke (Leipzig, 1937). There is also an Afrikaans version entitled Jan van Riebeeck: die grondlegger van ‘n blanke Suid-Afrika (Cape Town, 1938). Leipoldt had begun to collect the material for his biography as early as 1896. The most significant facts about the Voortrekkers were summarised by him for young people in Die groot trek (Cape Town, 1938), which coincided with the Voortrekker centenary. During the Huguenot jubilee year he also published Die Hugenote (Cape Town, 1939). After his period of office as secretary of the South African Medical Council and editor of the council’s journal had ended in 1944, he devoted himself mainly to journalism and to acquiring information for a biography on Pres. S. J. P. Kruger which he had begun in 1906 but never completed. In his poetry and plays Leipoldt also showed an interest in historical characters such as Wolraad Woltemade, Pieter Gijsbert Noodt and other figures like De Lesseps and Multatuli.

When the Second World War broke out Leipoldt favoured South African participation. He wrote sonnets on the war for The Cape Times, the Forum, Die Volkstem, en De Stoep, a Curacao newspaper.

Leipoldt died shortly after the war of a heart complaint caused by rheumatic fever which he had contracted at the age of seven. The casket containing his ashes was interred at the entrance of a cave surrounded by boulders in the rocky country of the Pakhuispas near Clanwilliam, that countryside which he had loved so deeply, a short distance from the Clanwilliam-Calvinia road near Kliphuis. It is a picturesque part of the country where he roamed as a child. After his death three volumes of his poems were published: Die moormansgat en ander verhalende en natuurverse (Cape Town, 1948); Gesëende skaduwees (Cape Town, 1949) which contained poems written during the period 1910 to 1947; and The ballad of Dick King and other poems (Cape Town, 1949), Leipoldt’s only volume of English poems. This contains verses written at the time of the Second World War and also older poems, some even dating from his youth. They appeared under the name Pheidippides, a pseudonym whichLeipoldt had used in newspapers when publishing his English poems on the Second World War.

After Leipoldt’s death, 300 years of Cape Wine (Cape Town, 1952) and Polfyntjies vir die proe (Cape Town, 1963) also appeared, compiled from particularly absorbing articles written under the pseudonym K. A. it. Bonade in Die Huisgenoot (1942-7). His valuable collection of cookery books and his manuscripts of recipes are in the S.A. Library, Cape Town.

The University of Cape Town has a valuable and comprehensive collection of Leipoldt’s letters, manuscripts and journalistic work, as well as books which he donated to the library, such as the comparatively unknown poems which he wrote for the University of Cape Town Quarterly in the thirties.

Biographical information written by Leipoldtand published in Die Huisgenoot, include ‘Clanwilliam: herinneringe aan ‘n ou dorpie’ (5 November 1926), ‘Eerste skoffies’ (1 December 1933), ‘Oor my eie werk’ (6 December 1940), ‘Jeugherinneringe’ (9 May 1947) and ‘My jubileumjaar’ (17 January 1947). His ‘Outobiografiese fragment’ appeared post-humously in Standpunte (18 December 1950). He never succeeded in carrying out his resolution to write an autobiography.

Leipoldt’s literary output constitutes only a part of his rich, versatile life, and yet it represents one of his greatest contributions to South Africa. Remarkably diverse in nature, his works include articles on popular science, journalistic work, translations, and numerous volumes of poetry, plays, novels, short stories and travel reminiscences. The quality of his work is not uniform and his poems frequently lack finish; nevertheless he is still one of the greatest Afrikaans poets and dramatists.

Leipoldt, who from childhood had received a strongly English-orientated education, enjoyed moving in English circles and during his later years spent most of his time among the English-speaking section. As a poet, although he wrote typically Afrikaans poetry and transformed the then unmoulded literary Afrikaans of the early twenties into an elevated medium for poetry, later he tended to ridicule the Afrikaner, the typically Afrikaans characteristics, and the Afrikaans language which he had employed so skillfully as a writer. He even spoke disparagingly of his war poems, describing them as a product of youthful immaturity. He had always been opposed to the Afrikaans-Calvinistic viewpoint, although he frequently employed Christian sentiments in his poems and was without difficulty able to identify himself with the aspirations of the Afrikaner. The English press devoted a good deal of space to Leipoldt in their columns at the time of his death; nevertheless, his passing was felt most keenly by the Afrikaans-speaking section and his memory remains indelibly imprinted among the Afrikaner people. There are two facets discernible in Leipoldt’s character: on the one hand his astounding versatility, his ability to contend with a number of interests simultaneously, and on the other the picture of a person of many conflicting emotions.

Although Leipoldt confessed to being lonely, he had a wide and influential circle of friends and acquaintances, including Gen. J. C. Smuts, Dr Engelenburg, Prof. P. D. Hahn, John X. Merriman, the Roman Catholic priest F. C. Kolbe, Prof. P. MacOwan, Dr Rudolph Marloth, Marcus Viljoen and Dr Harry Bolus. It was Dr. Bolus who encouraged Leipoldt’s love of nature, made him conscious of the beauty of Shakespeare’s sonnets, and provided him with financial backing when he went overseas in 1902. Abroad Leipoldt made the acquaintance of Pres. S. J. P. Kruger, Dr W. J. Leyds and Ramsay Macdonald. Leipoldt also numbered Cecil John Rhodes and a few prominent women among his acquaintances. Although he never married and on occasion made odd pronouncements about women and also wrote little love poetry, he was known for his conspicuous gallantry towards ladies and there are agreeable female characters in his poetry, in “Die heks” and in “Van Noot se laaste aand”.

In his poetry Leipoldt created an impression of strong individualism and detachedness, yet he contrived to serve his fellowmen in public life in many spheres: as a physician, as a journalist and as a lover of children.

There is a statue of Leipoldt in plaster of Paris by Florencio Cuairan in the Jagger Library of the Cape Town University, and one in bronze in the public library, Clanwilliam, and in the Medical Centre, Wale Street, Cape Town. Photographs taken at different stages in his life appear in Burgers (infra).

Source: Dictionary of South African Biography (Volume II)

Image: Cape Town Archives